Viviane Merlim MORAES
Plurais - Revista Multidisciplinar, Salvador, v. 8, n. 00, e023003, 2023. e-ISSN: 2177-5060
DOI: https://doi.org/10.29378/plurais.v8i00.15420 5
and writing through experiences that also develop a love of the land and work” (MST, 2005, p.
13). Paulo Freire's perspective of valuing reading the world before reading the word was a
reference and inspiration for this ongoing popular education project.
According to the MST website (MST, 2022a), the five Brazilian regions and 24 of the
26 federation states have schools in their camps and settlements, contemplating approximately
450 thousand families. Camped and settled families have self-organizing processes in which all
decisions taken are widely debated and decided collectively:
[...] families are organized into groups that discuss the needs of each area. In
these groups, the coordinators of the settlement or camp are chosen. The same
structure is repeated at regional, state, and national levels. An important aspect
is that decision-making instances are oriented to guarantee the participation of
women, always with two coordinators, one man and one woman. In camp and
settlement assemblies, everyone has the right to vote: adults, young people,
men, and women. Likewise, this happens in national instances. The MST's
most significant decision-making space is the National Congresses, which
take place, on average, every five years. In addition to the Congresses, the
MST holds its national meeting every two years, where the definitions
deliberated in Congress are evaluated and updated. To carry out specific tasks,
families are also organized into sectors, which are organized from local to
national levels according to the needs and demands of each settlement, camp,
or state (MST, 2022a, our translation).
At the national level, the MST is organized into sectors – mass front, training, education,
production, communications, projects, gender, health, finance, international relations, culture,
youth, and LGBT Sem Terra – and presents reform as its main banners popular agrarian
policies, the fight against sexist violence, the democratization of communications, the
promotion of public health, development, ethnic diversity, the political system, and national
and popular sovereignty. Their main instruments of struggle are land occupations, camps,
marches, fasts, hunger strikes, occupations of public buildings, centers and demonstrations in
cities, camps in front of banks, vigils, the struggle for reforms, popular agrarian, and social
transformation (MST, 2022a).
It is impossible to understand Sem Terra's motivations within the framework of
bourgeois liberal ideals. The very reason why the expression Sem Terra is spelled as a proper
noun break with the individualistic perspective of capitalist society. Understood as a collective
identity, as an attempt to form subjectivities, and no longer as a social designation of people
who lack something, in this case, land: “Sem Terra is a historically constructed identity, first as
an affirmation of a social condition: without-land, and little by little no longer as a life